Texas PACS: A Roundup of the Special Interests Driving Texas' Political Action Committees

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End Notes

1 Exception: Indulgent limits on judicial contributions (see Payola Justice: How Texas Supreme Court Jus- tices Raise Money from Court Litigants, Texans for Public Justice, February 1998).

2 See Mortgaged House: Campaign Contributions to Texas Representatives, 1995-1996, Texans for Public Justice et al., January 1998.

3 See the Texas Elections Code, Title 15, Section 251.

4 See “Smoke in the Mirror,” Texans for Public Justice, June 1997.

5 See dueling opeds by Southwestern Bell-Texas President David Cole and Consumer’s Union Southwest Re- gional Director Reggie James, Austin American-Statesman, August 11, 1998.

6 “Report uses lobbyists’ language,” Dallas Morning News, September 16, 1998.

7 Hispanics accounted for 33 percent of construction workers and 40 percent of the deaths. Among low-skilled Texas construction workers, Hispanics accounted for 70 percent of deaths. See “Fatal Work Injuries in Construction in Texas,” in “Workplace Injuries in 1993,” U.S. Department of Labor, June 1995.

8 “Oil, gas industry donations to AG candidate questioned” and “Oil, gas contributions to regulator criticized,” Dallas Morning News, March 5, 1998 and July 11, 1998; “Railroad Commission foes squabble over ethics,” Houston Chronicle, September 29, 1996.

9 The Good Government Fund, PSEL PAC and the Texas Progress Fund. The K PAC of the Bass law firm, Kelly, Hart & Hallman, also spent $55,875. That money is classified with other defense law firms.

10 “Legislators voting on electricity plan got utility PAC money,” Houston Chronicle, May 1, 1997.

11 Now called BetzDearborn, this company specializes in water and wastewater treatment chemicals.

12 See “Dirty Air, Dirty Money,” Texans for Public Justice, June 1998.

13 “Spoils of the Gulf War,” New Yorker, September 6, 1993.

14 “Family Affair?” The Nation, November 21, 1994.

15 “U.S. foreign aid was lever that moved Enron deal,” Houston Chronicle, November 1, 1995.

16 “Enron deal blows a fuse,” Multinational Monitor, July/August 1995.

17 See “Payola Justice,” Texans for Public Justice, February 1998 and “Oil, gas contributions to regulator criticized,” Dallas Morning News, July 11, 1998.

18 “Community groups question merger,” Dallas Morning News, May 7, 1998.

19 “Group urges lower auto insurance rates,” United Press International, August 25, 1998; “9.3% cut in auto liability rates studied,” “Insurance charges disputed,” and “Insurance goes through the roof,” Austin American-Statesman, August 26, 1998, August 27, 1998 and September 7, 1997.

20 “Associates under a microscope,” Dallas Morning News, August 16, 1998.

21 “Liability loophole created by bill,” Austin American-Statesman, March 26, 1997.

22 “In Texas, a Laboratory Test on the Effects of Suing HMOs,” New York Times, September 13, 1998.

23 See “Payola Justice: How Texas Supreme Court Justices Raise Money From Court Litigants,” Texans for Public Justice, February 1998.

24 See “Embalming practices draw fines for funeral homes” and “Funeral agency afraid for safety,” Austin American-Statesman, August 5, 1998 and August 11, 1998.

25 “Senator’s last-minute move douses chance for DWI bill,” Austin American-Statesman, May 19, 1997.

26 “Bill permits credit unions to broker cars” Dallas Morning News, April 24, 1995.

27 The Houston Dock & Marine Council, funded by labor unions, is classified under “Labor.”

28 “Big public-sector union backs a move to boost dues,” Wall Street Journal, August 26, 1998.

29 See “Union dues, union don’ts,” The Nation, May 18, 1998.

30 TSTA is affiliated with the National Education Association; the TFT is part of the AFL-CIO. The two national groups have been holding on-again, off-again merger discussions. ACT just represents teachers; the other groups also represent school administrative and support staff.

31 Although these groups are similar to professional organizations found in the “miscellaneous business” sector, these are public-sector employee groups that often act like unions by defending members from such ideas as: abolishing county treasurer positions or replacing court reporters with tape recorders.

32 Caution: While this category contains both “Democratic” and “Liberal” PACs, the terms are hardly synonyms in Texas.

33 Reps. Hugo Berlanga and Mark Stiles are not running, leaving just Rep. Rob Junell at the PAC’s helm.

34 Another top 76 in ’96 donor was Haley Barbour, the tobacco lobbyist and former head of the Republican National Committee.

35 See “Keeping Texans aware of the gambling issue,” Fort Worth Star-Telegram, June 19, 1998.

36 Not to be confused with the R Club ($10,085), which finances Republicans in Harris County.

37 See “Basic Ballard,” Houston Press, March 13-19, 1997.

38 See “Exorcising Disney,” Texas Observer, August 28, 1998.

39 See “Tort Dodgers: Business Money Tips Scales of Justice,” Texans for Public Justice, April 1997.

40 “Business robberies up 28 percent,” Dallas Morning-News, October 8, 1997; “OSHA’s plan targets safety of store clerks,” Los Angeles Times, April 28, 1998.

41 The blackmail caller identified himself as Mr. McKim, the name of then Paragon Director Kenneth McKim. See “PAC accused of heavy-handed tactics,” Allentown Morning Call, October 3, 1996.

42 See “Cradle makers bankroll a curb on lawsuits,” Boston Globe, August 23, 1996; “ Hand that Rocks the Cradle,” Mother Jones, September-October, 1996.

43 Leininger’s family led a recent study of 17 leading Texas political king makers, contributing almost $600,000 to the state’s four biggest issue PACs and 15 statewide candidates (See “17 king makers shape Texas politics,” Texans for Public Justice, March 4, 1998.)

44 “Voucher group adds Bullock,” Dallas Morning News, November 11, 1997.

45 See “Bullock quits school-voucher group,” Dallas Morning News, March 6, 1998; “Growing partisanship of voucher group,” Austin American-Statesman, March 19, 1998.

46 For a case of polluting industries spending heavily to block policies that would safeguard the environment and public health, see “Dirty Air, Dirty Money,” Texans for Public Justice, June 1998.

47 See “Privatizing wildlife,” Texas Observer, August 14, 1998.

48 Priorities First!, which spent $2,231, was allied with this effort.

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